The Proposal — Pax Democratica

Every successful modern peace process shares four structural elements: international shepherding, multi-stakeholder involvement at all phases, cross-sectional interest group participation, and full transparency of negotiations. The Joint People's Assembly is designed to incorporate all four from the outset — not as aspirations, but as structural requirements.

The assembly rests on three structural parities — not ideals, but design requirements that give the process both legitimacy and practical effectiveness.

Gender Parity

Equal male and female representation

Equal numbers of male and female delegates — built into the election rules for each participating organization from the start, not applied as an afterthought quota.

ℹ Why this?

Women's involvement in peace processes has proven historically to have a great moderating impact. Research is clear: when women actively participate, agreements are 35% more likely to last 15 years. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and women's organizations in Colombia were among the most consistent voices for negotiated solutions — precisely because they had the least to gain from continued conflict and the most direct experience of its costs.

Territorial Parity

Equal representation from each side

An equal number of representatives from Israel proper (inclusive of all minorities) and the Palestinian territories — West Bank and Gaza, inclusive of their minorities and Jewish settlers.

ℹ Why this?

Representation based on ethnicity or religion would be unworkable — those lines are blurry and contested. Territorial lines are clear and measurable. The ratio of the Jewish population within the occupied territories is roughly the same as the Palestinian population in Israel proper, making territorial parity also functionally equitable across communities.

Political & Civil Society Parity

Both political and civic voices at the table

Equal numbers of politically appointed delegates — drawn from elected parties in proportion to their democratic weight — and civil society elected delegates, drawn from organized civic sectors.

ℹ Why this?

Political delegates provide institutional legitimacy. Civil society delegates give the public ownership of the process. Neither alone is sufficient: political legitimacy without public ownership produces agreements that fail at ratification; public ownership without political legitimacy produces recommendations that governments ignore. Parity between them is the structural solution.

Assembly at a Glance

480

Total delegates

240

From each side

~50 / 50

Gender composition

Election + proportional appointment

Selection basis

Equal across all delegates

Pay & resources

Livestreamed and public

Sessions

Civil Society Delegates

Civil society delegates are elected directly by their sectors. Eligible sectors include trade unions and labor federations, civic organizations and NGOs, religious institutions, business and professional associations, academic institutions, cultural and arts organizations, and youth organizations.

The inclusion criterion is simple: delegates may not be members of a terrorist organization. This structural criterion — not a political test applied by governments — dissolves the Hamas impasse. Hamas cannot authorize or delegitimize a body that does not emerge from its political ecosystem.

Political Delegates

Political delegates are appointed by parties in proportion to their weight in democratic national elections. One version of the proposal incorporates mayoral representatives from the ten most populous cities in each territory as part of the political contingent.

This proportional appointment ensures that political currents within each society are represented — while the civil society half of the assembly ensures that political establishments cannot dominate the process.

Following the framework developed by peace process scholar Thania Paffenholz, the assembly incorporates three distinct modes of civil society engagement, each serving a different function.

Inclusive Commissions

Joint bodies comprising assembly delegates and civil society representatives from both sides, addressing specific issue areas. Civil society contributes through focused dialogue and expertise within a bounded, structured format.

ℹ Why this?

Civil society integration is essential to the success of the process, as proven repeatedly in recent history — Ireland, South Africa, Cyprus, Colombia. A lasting peace is not likely to survive if negotiated on a purely diplomatic level, especially when the roots of the conflict are grounded in deep collective trauma.

High-Level Problem-Solving Workshops

Less formal forums where civil society actors and community representatives interact with assembly delegates, developing trust and exploring solutions outside formal constraints. These workshops create space to navigate historical grievances and trauma through more fluid discussions than formal channels allow.

ℹ Why this?

Transparency and interfacing are directly correlated with the success of the process. Informal spaces allow delegates to explore positions they cannot yet take formally — building the trust that makes formal agreements possible. Many of the breakthroughs in Ireland and Colombia happened in informal settings before they were formalized at the table.

Periodic Public Consultations

Public forums that enable a wider range of perspectives and give citizens a direct way to engage with the assembly. This link ensures that negotiations are not detached from societal needs and sentiments, and fosters legitimacy and a broader pathway for healing through collective participation.

ℹ Why this?

It is essential to engage the public and create a sense of ownership — interfacing is not a nicety but a structural requirement. Communities that feel an agreement was imposed without their participation look for ways to undermine it. Communities that helped shape it defend it.

A coalition of 'Friends of Pax Democratica Palestine-Israel' — governments, international organizations, and civil society bodies committed to the process — provides three things: intermediation when the assembly reaches impasses, financial support for the entire operation, and political legitimacy that insulates the process from pressure by regional spoilers.

Every delegate receives the same salary and budget for their office and staff, funded by the coalition. Equal resources are both practical and symbolic: both peoples enter the room as equals. The infusion of funds into communities through participation also increases public adoption of the process.

The coalition plays a key role in applying pressure on the Knesset and the Palestinian Legislative Council to pass the enabling legislation that authorizes and funds assembly elections — making support for the assembly a condition of diplomatic and economic engagement.

ℹ Why this?

The involvement of international stakeholders has been essential in virtually every successful modern peace process. A coalition is instrumental in coaxing both sides to cooperate, in funding and supporting the process, and in advising the assembly. This mirrors the role played by international guarantors in Ireland, Colombia, and El Salvador.

The assembly's large, cross-sectional delegations will naturally surface the grievances and trauma that diplomatic negotiations have always set aside. The process creates formal space — in its agenda — for testimonies to be heard across the table and for memorials to past atrocities to be acknowledged jointly.

Collective trauma is not deferred until the 'real' negotiations begin. This draws on the core insight of transitional justice: that durable peace requires something closer to truth and reconciliation than to a contract signed under pressure. Communities that have not had their suffering acknowledged will not honor agreements that ask them to move on.

ℹ Why this?

Due to the deep collective trauma on both sides, grievances must be addressed upfront — they are the first and foremost obstacle to any durable outcome. Experts including Rachel Yehuda have shown that trauma is cumulative and has epigenetic components: each chapter builds on the previous. Addressing it is not optional; it is structurally necessary.

The Case Is Made. Now Comes the Work.

The most effective thing individuals can do is lobby the peace organizations they have access to — urge them to seriously debate this proposal and support building a coalition to advocate for it.

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